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Accounts of an impending US-Russia presidential meeting have been overstated, apparently.

Only a few days after President Trump said he planned to confer with Russia's leader Vladimir Putin in the Hungarian capital - "in approximately a fortnight" - the summit has been put off without a new date.

A initial get-together by the both countries' top diplomats has been cancelled, too.

"I don't want to have a fruitless discussion," President Trump informed reporters at the executive mansion on a recent weekday. "I don't want a pointless effort, so I'll see what happens."

• Trump states he wished to avoid a 'unproductive session' after arrangement for Putin talks shelved
• Disappointment in Kyiv as Zelensky leaves White House without results

The frequently changing summit is just the latest twist in Trump's attempts to broker an end to war in the Eastern European nation – a subject of increased attention for the American leader after he orchestrated a ceasefire and hostage release agreement in the Palestinian territory.

During a speech in the North African country last week to celebrate that ceasefire agreement, the president turned to Steve Witkoff, with a new request.

"It is essential to get the Russian situation resolved," he declared.

However, the circumstances that converged to make a Gaza breakthrough achievable for Witkoff and his team may be difficult to duplicate in a conflict in Ukraine that has been ongoing for almost four years.

Less Leverage

According to Witkoff, the key to achieving a deal was Israel's move to attack Hamas negotiators in the Gulf state. It was a action that infuriated US partners in the Arab world but gave the president leverage to compel Israel's leader Benjamin Netanyahu into reaching an agreement.

The US president gained from a history of supporting the Israeli state since his first term, encompassing his decision to relocate the American embassy to the contested city, to change US policy on the lawfulness of Israeli settlements in the West Bank and, in recent times, his backing for Israeli defense operations against the Islamic Republic.

The US president, actually, is more popular among Israelis than their prime minister – a situation that provided him with special sway over the Israeli leader.

Add in the president's political and economic ties to key Arab players in the region, and he had a abundant diplomatic muscle to secure an agreement.

In the Ukraine war, on the other hand, the president has significantly reduced leverage. Over the past nine months, he has swung between efforts to pressure the Russian president and then Zelensky, all with minimal visible progress.

The US leader has warned to impose new sanctions on Russian energy exports and to provide the Ukrainian forces with advanced missile systems. But he has also acknowledged that doing so could disrupt the global economy and further escalate the conflict.

At the same time, the US leader has criticized openly Zelensky, halting briefly information exchange with the country and pausing weapon deliveries to the country - only to then retreat in the face of worried European partners who warn a defeat of Ukraine could destabilise the entire region.

Trump loves to tout his ability to sit down and negotiate deals, but his personal discussions with the Russian and Ukrainian leaders haven't seemed to advance the hostilities any nearer a peaceful end.

The Russian president may in fact be using Trump's desire for a settlement – and faith in direct negotiations - as a means of influencing him.

In July, Russia's leader consented to a high-level meeting in Alaska at the time when it seemed probable that Trump would approve on congressional sanctions package supported by GOP senators. That bill was subsequently put on hold.

Last week, as reports spread that the US administration was seriously contemplating shipping long-range missiles and Patriot anti-air batteries to Kyiv, the Russian leader phoned Trump who then promoted the possible meeting in Budapest.

The following day, Trump welcomed Ukraine's leader at the White House, but departed empty-handed after a allegedly strained discussion.

The US leader maintained that he was not being played by the Russian president.

"You know, I have been manipulated all my life by the best of them, and I came out successfully," he remarked.

However the president of Ukraine later made note of the timeline of developments.

"Once the issue of long-range mobility became a less accessible for Ukraine – for Ukraine – Russia almost automatically became less interested in diplomacy," he said.

So, in a matter of days, the president has bounced from entertaining the prospect of sending missiles to Ukraine to planning a Budapest summit with Putin and confidentially urging Zelensky to cede all of Donbas – including territory Russia has been unable to conquer.

He has ultimately decided on advocating a truce along current battle lines – a proposal Russia has rejected.

During his election campaign last year, the candidate promised that he could end the conflict in Ukraine in a very short time. He has since abandoned that pledge, saying that ending the war is turning out more difficult than he anticipated.

It has been a rare acknowledgement of the limits of his power – and the challenge of finding a framework for peace when both parties wants, or can afford to, give up the fight.